Public Interest Litigation as a Constitutional Tool for Ensuring Political Accountability


Author:  Shalini Singh, a student at Atal Bihari Vajpayee School of Legal Studies, CSJM University, Kanpur

To the Point


Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has become a constitutional requirement to bring about transparency, accountability, and rule of law in the political field. What began as an endeavor to provide access to justice for marginalized groups, PIL has also become a very effective tool to ensure that the political class and governmental institutions are held accountable for the misuse of power, corruption, and arbitrariness. By allowing any citizen-conscious individual to approach the judiciary in cases of public interest, PIL obviates traditional procedural barriers and holds political action accountable against constitutional standards. It has made the courts capable of scrutinizing election malpractices, looting of national coffers, inaction by authorities against criminal politicians, and violation of basic rights by politically influential individuals. This article analyzes the role of the Indian judiciary, i.e., the Supreme Court, by PIL in restricting political misuse, enforcing moral standards, and ensuring democratic values. It also touches upon its weaknesses and abuse for politically driven lawsuits yet proposes harmonious legal steps to ensure it remains unadulterated.

Use of Legal Jargon
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) emerged as a judge-made creation through the provisions of Articles 32 and 226 of the Indian Constitution, which vested courts with the powers to issue writs for enforcing the rights of the public as such. Heretofore controlled by the doctrine of locus standi, PIL extended the scope of such a doctrine by empowering pro bono litigants or socially conscious citizens to go to the courts on behalf of poor or concerned sections of society even if no direct personal injury were caused. PILs often use legal remedies like writs of mandamus, certiorari, and quo warranto to challenge arbitrary political action, maladministration, and unconstitutional governance. Courts have rationalized such interference on the grounds of constitutional morality, public trust doctrine, and judicial review in situations where political actors ignore the rule of law or fundamental rights. PILs tend to raise relevant issues in the context of the doctrine of separation of powers, especially when judicial activism tends to undermine the jurisdiction of the legislature or the executive. Judicial activism is however oftentimes invoked to promote political accountability, transparency, and good governance. The doctrine of legitimate expectation and accountability of public functionaries are also drawn in quite often when political commitments or public promises are not fulfilled and thus democratic values are strengthened by the use of law as an instrumentality.

The Proof
The history of Public Interest Litigation in India, especially since the 1980s, is sufficient to show its application in establishing political accountability. The courts have willingly embraced PILs involving issues of abuse of political authority, misuse of public money, election irregularities, and tolerance of criminal politicians. Such initiatives are supported by constitutional guidance deriving from Articles 32 and 226, conferring jurisdiction upon the Supreme Court and High Courts to issue writs in matters of public concern. For example, in Vineet Narain v. Union of India (1997), the Supreme Court gave binding directions to maintain the autonomy of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in probing political corruption and thus gave birth to the doctrine of continuing mandamus. Again, in Association for Democratic Reforms v. Union of India (2002), the Court gave directions for disclosure of political candidates’ criminal and financial history, thus enforcing the right to know under Article 19(1)(a). Organizational reports such as ADR (Association for Democratic Reforms) indicate that close to 43% of current MPs (up to 2024) have criminal cases pending against them. PILs are among the few effective legal solutions to request action, particularly when state institutions can’t operate independently based on political pressure.

Abstract
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has redefined the interface between the Indian judiciary, the state, and the citizen. Originally designed as a judicial device for vindicating the rights of the marginalized, it has grown into a potent constitutional device for ventilating issues of a systemic nature, particularly those stemming from political abuse of power. This article examines how PIL has been transformed into an instrument for advancing transparency, preventing the abuse of political authority, and forcing state accountability. By deeming relaxing the doctrine of locus standi, Indian courts have permitted public-spirited people to file proceedings on issues relating to collective rights. The development has made possible judicial examination of a variety of politically contentious matters, such as electoral purity, corruption, and failure of governance. Through decisions like Vineet Narain and Association for Democratic Reforms, the judiciary has intervened directly to impose greater ethical standards in public life. Concurrently, the article recognizes increasing abuse of PILs for political vendetta and seeking publicity at the cost of their credibility. Equilibrium of judicial activism with constitutional limits is important for maintaining the effectiveness of this remedy. Finally, PIL remains an important constitutional protection, giving citizens the authority to call for accountability and establishment of democratic values.


Case Laws
Vineet Narain v. Union of India (1997)
This is an old-style case of how Public Interest Litigation has been employed to demand political accountability. This was a sequel to the Jain Hawala scam in which senior politicians had been accused of accepting illegal gratification on the hawala route. Though the allegations were grave, the investigations were either pending or stonewalled since politically powerful leaders were involved. A concerned citizen, Vineet Narain, went to the Supreme Court by filing a PIL asking for judicial intervention in the matter. By this, the Court gave a landmark ruling, giving binding directions to ensure the autonomy of investigating agencies like the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED). The Court established the “continuing mandamus” doctrine, a positive judicial action that allows it to monitor compliance with its mandates for a time period. It proclaimed that there can be no political meddling in corruption probes, particularly where government officers are involved. This judgment is a landmark of Indian constitutional jurisprudence as it demonstrated the judiciary vigorously asserting itself to uphold the rule of law and limit political impunity. It reaffirmed once again the doctrine that PIL can be an effective instrument of institutional accountability and rejuvenation of public faith in the government.


Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms (2002)
It is a landmark of Indian election jurisprudence and showcases the contribution of the judiciary towards political transparency by way of PIL. It took place when the voluntary group Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) petitioned the Delhi High Court in a Public Interest Litigation seeking mandatory disclosure of the criminal background, educational qualification, and economic means of candidates who are contesting elections. The petition was granted by the High Court and was shifted to the Supreme Court. The supreme court, in its historic verdict, held that the people of the country have a right to know regarding the personal history of the candidates under Article 19(1)(a) of Constitution providing the right of speech and expression. The Court reconfirmed that enlightened voting is in fact the very essence of a healthy democracy and obscuring the histories of the candidates is abhorrent to the underlying ethos of free and fair elections. Subsequent to this judgment, the Election Commission of India was tasked with implementing new rules for candidates to submit sworn affidavits with relevant personal details. This judgment transformed electoral transparency and enabled citizens to vote more intelligently in the ballot box. The case is a fine example of how a PIL can initiate structural political reform and fortify democratic accountability by providing legal teeth to the “right to know.”


People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) v. Union of India (2003)
This case is a landmark follow-up to the reform articulated in the ADR case, reasserting constitutional inviolability of the right of the voter. Following the ADR provision for disclosure of contestants’ criminal and financial background, Parliament attempted to move against the trend by an amendment in the Representation of the People Act, 1951. The amendment overturned the candidates’ provision of providing any personal background other than as clearly defined by the law—essentially nullifying the Supreme Court judgment. The PUCL, the People’s Union for Civil Liberties group, reacted by filing a Public Interest Litigation questioning the constitutional validity of the amendment. The amended provisions were declared ultra vires by the Supreme Court, holding that they infringed the constitutional basic freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a). The Court was keen to emphasize that the right to information was the basis of participatory democracy and election transparency to allow the public to make informed choices using adequate information. It also declared Parliament did not fall within its ambit to propose law that would restrict constitutional rights. This decision was a healthy judicial check on legislative excess, and it reinforced the spirit of the earlier ADR judgement. It strongly reaffirmed the impression that PILs could be columns of democratic integrity, especially if political power is utilized in the cause of routing citizens’ rights.

Subramanian Swamy v. Manmohan Singh (2012)
This case illustrates the application of Public Interest Litigation for compelling action from the top-most executive echelons of the nation. The problem had cropped up when Dr. Subramanian Swamy moved a petition under Article 32 alleging undue delay on the part of then Prime Minister in granting sanction for prosecution of a Union Minister under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 relating to the notoriety-soaked 2G spectrum scam. Dr. Swamy contended that a procrastination on the part of a constitutional authority to make the decision prejudiced his right of prosecution and public interest in prompt accountability of corruption. The Supreme Court concurred and ruled that the right to speedy determination of sanction for prosecution is one of constitutional necessity, especially in the case of public servants and charge of corruption. The Court clarified that the determination should be done within three months and, where legal advice is sought, an additional month. The delay by constitutional institutions could not be immunized on technical grounds, particularly when the issue involves political corruption. This move once again asserted the reality that PIL is not about social causes or causes of nature but may be a useful tool to challenge delay, default, or inaction on the part of higher political functionaries, ensuring constitutional administration and public interest.

Conclusion
Public Interest Litigation has irrevocably changed the face of Indian democracy by empowering the judiciary to intervene in where the cause of public good, transparency, and political integrity is in question. Stretching from revealing corruption at the highest echelons to making electoral and administrative reforms, PIL has evolved into a potent constitutional tool which can equip the people to ensure that political players become accountable for their actions and inactions. The judiciary, by the tool of PIL and through creative orders, has stretched the horizons of fundamental rights, especially the right to know, and facilitated democratic governance by checkmating misuse of power. From deciding revelation by contestants to laying down a time limit for issuance of direction for punishment in prosecution, or enjoining stay of interference in the investigating agencies by politicians, courts have utilized PIL to ensure pillars of accountability and good governance. But rising misuse of PILs—whether for pecuniary gain, publicity, or political point-scoring—undermines its legitimacy to the greatest extent. For courts to be able to continue making such an important instrument effective, they have to continue keeping their reins in hand, continue enforcing standards of proof, and continue ensuring that genuine public interest remains at the heart of such petitions. In a democracy such as India, political authority is pervasive and occasionally unrestrained, PIL remains a valuable legal forum by which citizens can call for accountability, impose constitutional norms, and obtain the rule of law. FAQs 1. What is Public Interest Litigation (PIL)? PIL is a judicial tool by which any public member or section of people can come to the courts on matters of public interest even if they themselves are not directly concerned. It is used to implement justice in public-interest matters and only very extensively used to safeguard fundamental rights and enforce accountability of public authorities.


FAQs
1. What is Public Interest Litigation (PIL)?
PIL is a judicial tool by which any public member or section of people can come to the courts on matters of public interest even if they themselves are not directly concerned. It is used to implement justice in public-interest matters and only very extensively used to safeguard fundamental rights and enforce accountability of public authorities.

2. How does PIL provide political accountability?
PIL enables courts to scrutinize allegations of corruption, inactivity, or misuse of power by the public authorities. Via judicial actions, it can impose transparency, direct investigation, and rectify political misuse of authority. PIL empowers citizens to knock at justice’s doors when institutions become prejudiced.

3. Who are eligible to file Public Interest Litigation in India?
Any citizen of the country, any NGO, or any organization may approach the High Court under Article 226 or Supreme Court under Article 32. It need not be that the petitioner shall be interested but he must be able to establish that the question is one of public importance.

4. Are PILs susceptible to political cause abuse?
Yes, there is abuse. PILs are transferred for publicity, personal reasons, or against political opponents, etc. Courts have issued warnings against misuse and possess the power to punish if a PIL is politically motivated or frivolous.

5. Refer to some of the path-breaking PILs on political reforms?
Classic PILs include Vineet Narain v. Union of India (1998) on CBI autonomy, ADR v. Union of India (2002) for disclosure by candidates, and PUCL v. Union of India (2003) for the right to vote of citizens. All these rulings have immensely added to electoral and institutional accountability.

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